Tunisia – Country Paper on Micro-Level Drivers

This report is produced in the context of the socioeconomic changes that took place in Tunisia after the events of 2011. The transition from the authoritarianism of a single party to a democratic regime of political pluralism was marked by a period of transition, during which more than 13 governments succeeded one another. The decentralisation process launched in 2016 has taken a new turn since 2021, following the dismissal of the Assembly of People’s Representatives and the appointment of a new government by the new Head of the Republic, Kaïs Saïed, elected by universal suffrage in 2019 with 72% of the vote. A civil society dynamic was unleashed, characterised by the creation of numerous civic associations, the number of which exceeded 24,000 by 2021.1 Many associations engage in defending human rights, women’s rights, diaspora rights, the fight against violence and extremism, and the defence of democratic rights and freedom of expression. The national economic situation is currently facing issues of scarcity of resources and a reduction in foreign investment, making economic recovery difficult and accentuating the unemployment rate, which in some regions exceeds 18%. Despite the public authorities’ efforts to combat extremism and social segregation, violence persists, and regional disparities are significant.

This work aims to understand violent extremism (VE) in four Tunisian regions and examine the factors contributing to VE, such as forms of social exclusion as well as social, political, economic and cultural inequalities. The report also aims to analyse the individual youth perceptions of the factors of VE considering the seven drivers identified in the project (religion, economic deprivation, territorial inequalities, transnational dynamics, digital socialisation, socio-political issues [claims and grievances], and education, culture and leisure opportunities).

The data gathered via the survey provides analytical insights and a comprehensive understanding about the relationship of young people with the drivers. These results will also enable us to provide a comprehensive comparative perspective, leading to the development of a national report on micro level drivers of radicalisation in Tunisia.